A new mega-prison in Costa Rica is intended to curb organized crime there. The Central American country will gain about 40 percent more detention places. Costa Rica, long known as the safest country in the region, has struggled in recent years with increasing violence due to rival drug gangs.
Today, the Center for High Containment of Organized Crime (CACCO) – as the prison is called – opens its doors. The colossal complex is located on a site nearly the size of thirteen football fields and is meant to house over five thousand prisoners. All this because the country is increasingly transforming from a drug transit route into a logistical hub for drug-related criminal organizations.
It is not the first country in Latin America to build a mega-prison. The prison in Costa Rica is inspired by the controversial prison model of President Nayib Bukele of El Salvador, known for gross human rights violations and where prisoners are held under extreme conditions. Since Bukele declared a state of emergency in 2022, more than 93,000 people have been arrested. It is estimated that now about two percent of the total population is in prison.
The murder rates in El Salvador have drastically decreased in recent years, making the approach attractive for countries like Costa Rica. Yet experts warn that this 'Bukele model' can have adverse effects.
(How) does the model work?
Benjamin Lessing is an associate professor at the University of Chicago, specializing in prisons in Latin America. He understands why countries with high crime rates are attracted to Bukele's model. "In many countries in the region, organized crime has become increasingly powerful."
According to Lessing, it is tempting for government leaders to think they can fight crime "if they just lock up enough people and tackle crime hard enough."
However, he sees a great danger and calls it a "model for democratic decline." Politicians can use the popularity gained from a tough approach to ultimately concentrate power, suspend civil rights, and weaken democracy. According to Human Rights Watch, people have even been arrested because of their tattoos, even if these have nothing to do with drug cartels.
Punitive populism
That politicians try to win votes with this extreme prison system is also observed by associate professor Julienne Weegels, specializing in prisons in Latin America. "It is really a trend that leaders in Latin America boast populistically about their tough justice," says Weegels. "It is a way to gain more votes."
Bukele even flaunts his hard approach – in Spanish mano dura – on social media. On Twitter last year, he posted a photo from the Marvel series Avengers with edited text. The message: at that time, he had imprisoned 1.5 percent of the population and the crime rate had dropped by 98 percent.
According to Lessing, U.S. President Donald Trump plays a role in this development in Latin America. "Trump declared war on all drug cartels in the hemisphere, in a strongly militarized way," he says, referring to U.S. attacks on boats in the Caribbean and Pacific. It is one of the reasons Trump founded The Shield of the Americas, a cooperation mainly of (radical) right-wing governments.
Adverse effect
Yet it is questionable whether mass incarceration really combats crime. What is special about Bukele's approach, according to Lessing, is that "it seemed to work," whereas previous hard interventions in El Salvador and other countries backfired.
For example, in Brazil, the powerful criminal organizations PCC and Comando Vermelho actually originated in prison. Prisons became a breeding ground for criminal gangs, from where they could direct gang members outside prison. Also in Honduras and El Salvador, the 'hard hand' brought gangs together, says Weegels. "Prisoners survive, learn from each other, and band together."
According to Lessing, undirected, brutal repression is therefore often "counterproductive" and can fuel crime. Whether this is currently happening under Bukele is uncertain according to Lessing and Weegels. "I think it is still too early to say if it works in El Salvador." The prisons are largely closed to the outside world.
Lessing does not rule out that Bukele has actually broken the gangs. "If the Bukele model really works and is applicable elsewhere, there would, however unpleasant I find that, be political support for it. Even if that comes with human rights violations and democratic decline."
How it will turn out in Costa Rica remains to be seen. Weegels fears the approach is not sustainable in the long term. "Maybe this is a flagship of El Salvador that does not fit within Costa Rica's prison system." According to her, we must ask ourselves what happens after punishment: "Someone always gets released again."